PANTUN PEWARIS ADAT

PANTUN PEWARIS ADAT

Dato’ Dr. Mohd Rosli Saludin
Ketua Jabatan Kesusasteraan Melayu
Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris


PENDAHULUAN

Pantun sebagai pewaris adat menakjubkan serta mengkagumkan. Masyarakat Melayu yang dianggap buta huruf, simple, kolektif dan serba kekurangan itu telah menghasilkan pantun yang bukan sahaja banyak jumlahnya tetapi tinggi kualitinya. Pantun sebagai pewaris adat telah menampakkan perkembangan dan liku-liku sejarah peradaban kehidupan masyarakat yang melahirkannya, lingkaran pengaruh di sekeliling, ‘world view’ masyarakat yang mengucapkannya dan kekreatifan masyarakatnya.

Pantun sebagai pewaris adat telah digunakan dalam semua aspek kehidupan sama ada untuk gurauan, hiburan, di dalam upacara perdukunan, adat istiadat dan alat perundangan hingga kekal ke hari ini. Pantun agak berbeza dengan puisi baru. Perbezaan tersebut ialah dari segi bentuk, pemilihan diksi, jalan irama, fikiran dan perasaan yang terjelma di dalamnya.

PANTUN SEBAGAI PEWARIS ADAT

Pantun ialah ragam puisi yang hidup di kalangan rakyat dan bersifat penuh dengan kemelayuan. Pantun telah sedia hidup dalam masyarakat Melayu sebelum orang-orang Melayu tahu membaca dan menulis. Keistimewaan pantun terserlah apabila ia berjaya melahirkan berbagai-bagai bentuk perasaan, iaitu dengan menggunakan lafaz seni yang cukup indah. Keistimewaan bahasa pantun dapat digunakan ketika berkasih-kasihan, memberi nasihat, bersuka-suka, bergurau senda, berjenaka, menyindir dan untuk menyatakan kesedihan. Pantun sehingga kini kekal sebagai hak masyarakat umum, tiada sesiapapun boleh mengaku bahawa mereka merupakan pemilik asalnya. Pantun boleh dikelompokkan kepada beberapa penjenisan dari sudut temanya, Zainal Abidin Abu Bakar (1983) iaitu:

Pantun adat dan resam manusia,
Pantun agama dan kepecayaan,
Pantun budi,
Pantun jenaka dan permainan,
Pantun teka-teki,
Pantun kepahlawanan,
Pantun pendidikan dan nasihat,
Pantun peribahasa dan perbilangan,
Pantun kias dan ibarat,
Pantun kembara dan perantauan,
Pantun percintaan dan perkahwinan.
Bagi menjelaskan lagi keistimewaan pantun sebagai pewaris adat penulis telah mengumpulkan sebahagian daripada pantun-pantun yang menarik untuk difikirkan.

Adat kayu berdiri tegak
Tegak berdiri besar bertambah
Adat Melayu bersendi syarak
Syarak bersendi ke Kitabullah

Pahat mana yang kita pegang
Pahat besi bergagang kayu kayu
Adat mana yang kita pegang
Adat jati orang Melayu

Urat mana yang kita cencang
Urat kayu di tengah laman
Adat mana yang kita pegang
Adat Melayu zaman berzaman

PANTUN ADAT

Pantun adat ini tidak jauh berbeza dengan pantun nasihat. Ia juga sebagai tunjuk ajar agar adat dan resam tetap di junjung, tingkah laku tetap terjaga sehingga kehidupan sehari- hari damai sentosa. Selain itu, pantun adat bertujuan untuk mengajar nilai- nilai agama dan moral yang terkandung dalam adat Melayu. Adat Melayu juga terkandung pengetahuan sejarah mengenai persukuan, asal-usul, dan kepimpinan negeri.

Contoh adat ialah pantang larang yang merupakan kepercayaan masyarakat Melayu sejak zaman lampau.

Jangan memukul, mendera atau mencederakan mana-mana binatang, dikhuatiri anak yang akan lahir mengalami kecacatan. (Bagi mengelakkan penginianyaan haiwan.)

Jangan mencaci atau menceritakan kecacatan, dikhuatiri anak yang bakal lahir juga akan cacat. (Agar menjaga pertuturan agar tidak melukakan hati orang lain.)

Jangan bergaduh dengan ibu mertua, dikhuatiri mengalami kesulitan ketika melahirkan anak. (Bagi menjaga kenteteraman keluarga, terutamanya apabila tinggal bersama mertua selepas melahirkan anak.)

Jangan melihat gerhana, dikhuatiri anak mendapat tompok hitam atau bermata juling. (Melihat matahari sewaktu gerhana mampu menyebabkan mata menjadi buta.)

Ibu hamil tidak boleh melintas bawah ampaian, nanti anak gagap. (Disebabkan penyidai biasa rendah, dikhuatiri ibu hamil akan tersendung dan jatuh, dan boleh membahayakan kandungan.)

Dilarang (orang lelaki) kencing atas busut, dikatakan buruk kemaluan (Bagi mengelakkan lelaki berkenaan ditegur oleh makhluk halus ataupun penunggu busut berkenaan.)

Jangan duduk di atas bantal kerana dipercayai boleh naik bisul. (Supaya menjaga bantal daripada dipecah atau dikoyak, dan tidak sopan kalau perkakas yang digunakan untuk melapik kepala diletakkan di bawah punggung.)

Jangan bergendang dalam rumah, nanti harta habis dicuri oleh orang. (Larangan ini adalah bagi mengelakkan bising di rumah, tambahan lagi bergendang dengan mengetuk lantai rumah yang dibuat dari papan boleh merosakkan barang-barang yang bergantung di dinding yang boleh jatuh dan pecah.)

Jangan menjahit pada waktu senja, nanti mata engkau akan buta. (Untuk menjaga kesihatan mata supaya tidak menjadi kabur dan rosak, dan mengelakkan jarum daripada tercucuk tangan.)

Kalau makan nasi hendaklah dihabiskan, kalau tidak nasi akan menangis. (Bagi mengelakkan berlakunya pembaziran.)

Anak dara jangan menyanyi di dapur, nanti kahwin dengan orang tua. (Bagi mengelakkan masakan hangus kerana leka menyanyi.)

Pantang larang sebelum perkahwinan

Ada terdapat 43 pantang larang kepada bakal pengantin.

Jangan keluar dengan pasangan selama 40 hari sebelum diijabkabulkan. (Bagi mengelakkan berlaku tohmah masyarakat. Selain itu, ia bertujuan mengawal nafsu. Ia juga untuk menimbulkan perasaan rindu dendam. Perasaan yang timbul akan membuatkan wajah pengantin lebih berseri.)
Jangan tidur di rumah orang lain takut terkena ilmu. (Ia adalah bagi menjaga nama baik keluarga.)
Jangan bebas keluar ke mana-mana kerana takut disantau oleh mereka yang mempunyai niat tidak baik. (Bagi mengelakkan kedua pihak melanggar hukum agama.)
Jangan makan nasi dengan gulai berkuah beberapa bulan sebelum naik pelamin. (Bagi mengelakkan perut buncit.)
Jangan makan ulam yang berbau busuk seperti petai dan jering. ( )
Jangan bercermin terutama selepas maghrib ke atas. (Bagi mengelakkan diri daripada perkara sihir.)
Jangan membuang air kecil dan air besar serentak di dalam air contohnya dalam sungai, dan kolah. (Bagi mengelakkan lemah organ seks. Juga dilarang dalam agama.)
Jangan minum air bergas kerana ia mempunyai gula dan gas yang tinggi. (Bagi mengelakkan kencing manis.)
Kurangkan makan makanan yang manis. (Bagi mengelakkan kencing manis dan berat badan.)
Jangan mandi malam. (Bagi mengelakkan sakit sendi-sendi.)
Kawal makan iaitu sekali makan setiap hari. (Mengikut sesetengah adat)
Jangan memakai seluar dalam yang ketat pada waktu malam dan tidur meniarap. (Bagi mengelakkan darah tidak mengalir dan kesan buruk pada organ seks lelaki).
Jangan makan terlalu banyak makan makanan laut. (Bagi mengelakkan buangan toksid yang banyak.)
Tiga bulan sebelum berkahwin, mula membuat urutan. (Supaya pengantin mempunyai tenaga.)
Amalkan makan telur ayam kampung yang dicampur madu dan lada hitam yang ditumbuk, seminggu dua kali. (Bagi menambah tenaga.)
Bagi mereka yang banyak angin, minum air halia. (Bagi membuang angin.)
Belajar ilmu rumah tangga daripada orang yang berpengalaman dan sudah berkahwin tentang rahsia memikat isteri. (Supaya rumah tangga aman dan damai.)
Jangan memuaskan nafsu dengan cara sendiri.
Cukupkan waktu tidur tujuh hingga lapan jam sehari.
Elakkan minum minuman keras dan merokok.
Elakkan terkena cahaya matahari. (Kerana dikhuatiri hitam dan tidak berseri pada hari perkahwinan.)
Elakkan minum air soya kerana ia sejuk dan tidak elok untuk alat kelamin.
Amalkan makan jamu. (Supaya pada malam pengantin tidak mengecewakan.)
Banyakkan baca surah-surah. Bagi mengelakkan gangguan syaitan. Sentiasa mengingati Allah.)
Jangan makan sebebas-bebasnya. (Kerana ketika ini sistem dalaman tidak stabil.)
Jangan terlalu terdedah kepada keluarga lelaki (simpan diri).
Jangan berembun atau keluar malam. (Bagi mengelak terdapat unsur jahat.)
Jangan bercelak atau berlangir serta memotong rambut seminggu sebelum ijab kabul.
Jika sudah bernikah gantung maka tidak boleh bersama.
Selepas bernikah mesti ada peneman tidur sebelum bersama. (Ia bertujuan untuk menghangatkan lagi kemesraan.)
Bilik lelaki atau wanita jangan dikosongkan. Mesti ada orang atau ahli keluarga terdekat tidur di dalamnya. (Bagi mengelakkan daripada dikhianati orang.)
Jangan buat kerja yang berat. Bila pengantin membuat kerja berat. Bagi mengelakkan daripada berasa penat dan mudah terjadinya gangguan emosi.)
Jaga pertuturan. (Supaya tidak menimbulkan rasa sakit hati.)
Elakkan makan dan minum seperti sayur bersifat sejuk seperti kangkung, bayam, timun, jambu batu, dan air kelapa. (Supaya muka nampak segar.)
Jangan cukur kening. (Kerana ditakuti akan menghilangkan seri muka.)
Sebelum menjadi pengantin, katil kelamin tidak boleh ditiduri oleh pengantin. (Kerana tidak manis.)
Lempar baju ke atas bumbung rumah tanpa diketahui oleh orang lain. (Bagi mengelakkan hujan turun ketika majlis berlangsung.)
Dilarang memandang cermin ketika disolek oleh juruandam. (Kerana dikhuatiri hilang seri.)
Kedua-dua pengantin dilarang bercakap ketika bersanding. (Kerana kurang manis dipandang tetamu.)
Jangan makan kepala ayam. (Supaya tidak mengantuk masa bersanding.)
Dilarang membuang alis. (Kerana perbuatan tersebut akan menghilangkan seri wajah buat pengantin lelaki. )
Jangan makan bersulam air. (Kerana dikhuatiri menyebabkan perut menjadi buncit.)
Elakkan keluar rumah tanpa tujuan kerana angan-angan yang tinggi menjelang perkahwinan dikhuatiri bakal pengantin mengalami kemalangan jika berada di luar.

Orang-orang tua Melayu dahulu selalu mengingatkan anak cucunya supaya tidak melanggar pantang larang. Melanggar pantang larang samalah dengan tidak mendengar nasihat.

Ada sirih ada pinang,
Nantikan gambir dengan kapur;
Sudah dipilih sudah dipinang,
Hanya menanti ijab kabul.

Maksud: Adat resam kahwin Melayu merupakan adat resam yang paling disayangi dan yang paling dipegang teguh oleh kebanyakan orang Melayu, baik di kawasan luar bandar mahupun di bandar. Ibu bapa bakal pengantin lelaki kemudian menugaskan sebilangan orang tua yang rapat untuk bertemu dengan ibu bapa anak perempuan agar mendapat persetujuan. Ibu bapa anak perempuan akan meminta sedikit masa demi adat untuk membuat pertimbangan atas alasan bahawa mereka harus berunding dengan saudara-saudara mereka (walaupun mereka telah tahu tentang kunjungan utusan sebelum ketibaannya, dan telah memberikan persetujuan). Ini mungkin mengambil masa beberapa hari atau paling lama, seminggu. Ibu bapa anak perempuan kemudian menugasi sebilangan saudara yang terdiri daripada kedua-dua lelaki dan perempuan, untuk menyampaikan keputusan mereka untuk menerima pinangan. Semasa ini syarat-syarat perkahwinan seperti hantaran kahwin, belanja, hari upacara perkahwinan, dan sebagainya dibincangkan dan diselesaikan. Inilah sebabnya utusan merangkumi orang-orang lelaki.

Pada zaman silam, adat menghantar tanda mendahului adat menghantar mas kahwin dan belanja, khususnya jika upacara melangsungkan perkahwinan ditangguhkan selama beberapa bulan. Tanda itu biasanya adalah dalam bentuk cincin emas atau berlian, dengan nilainya bergantung kepada kehendak hati serta keupayaan kewangan keluarga lelaki. Tanda itu biasanya diiringi oleh hadiah-hadiah yang lain kepada bakal pengantin perempuan, seperti kain, sarung, selipar atau kasut, gula-gula, buah-buahan, dan sebagainya.

Penghantaran tanda biasanya disertai dengan majlis kenduri oleh kedua-dua keluarga. Sesetengah orang juga menyampaikan cincin dan hadiah-hadiah yang lain dengan cara mengadakan perarakan ke rumah bakal pengantin perempuan. Penerimaan cincin dan hadiah-hadiah iringan secara tradisi bermaksud penerimaan syarat-syarat perkahwinan yang berikut antara kedua-dua pihak:

Jika lelaki itu, atas apa-apa alasan, gagal untuk mengahwini anak perempuan yang ditunangkan, cincin pertunangan serta hadiah-hadiah yang lain tidak boleh dituntut balik.
Jika perempuan itu, atas apa-apa alasan kecuali kematiannya, gagal memenuhi tujuan pertunangan itu, maka semua hadiah, termasuk cincin pertunangan, harus dikembalikan kepada lelaki pada kadar sekali ganda, baik dari segi bilangan atau nilainya. Inilah adat yang telah diikuti oleh orang-orang Melayu sejak dari zaman silam.

Ada yang datang waktu petang,
Ada yang datang pakai kereta;
Tuahlah badan mendapat gelang,
Mendapat cincin berbatu pula.

Maksud: Terdapat juga dua cara pertunangan yang lain selain daripada cara yang tersebut di atas, iaitu pertunangan antara dua buah keluarga yang amat rapat atau bersaudara tanpa cincin pertunangan atau persetujuan bertulis ketika anak-anak mereka masih bayi atau kanak-kanak lagi. Pertunangan yang dibuat untuk memenuhi kehendak salah seorang arwah ibu bapa (baik secara lisan sebelum kematiannya atau melalui wasiat tertulis). Cara ini dihormati oleh orang-orang Melayu.

Bunga ros bunga melati,
Harum semerbak di dalam taman;
Besar sungguh hajat di hati,
Untuk menyunting bunga di taman

Maksud: Menilik atau merisik pada hakikatnya adalah adat yang memang baik dan berguna jika ia dijalankan bersesuaian dengan tujuannya, iaitu untuk memilih dan mengetahui latar belakang bakal menantu perempuan dalam sesebuah keluarga Melayu. Ini adalah untuk memastikan para ibu bapa tidak tersilap pilih dan dapat mencari yang terbaik untuk anak lelaki mereka.

Apabila ibu bapa seorang lelaki telah menetapkan fikiran mereka yang anak mereka itu sudah sampai masanya untuk berumahtangga dan patut dikahwinkan, mereka mencari dan memerhatikan beberapa orang daripada anak-anak dara yang mereka kenali dan kemudian mereka memilih salah seorang di antara mereka yang dirasakan sesuai dan padan untuk dijadikan menantu. Mereka mula menyelidik tentang latar belakang anak dara tersebut melalui saudara-mara dan sahabat handai. Latar belakang bukan hanya bermaksud melibatkan hal keluarga anak dara tersebut, tetapi juga tingkah laku keperibadian dan kesucian anak dara itu. Ini kerana, faktor dara atau kesucian seseorang gadis amat dititikberatkan oleh masyarakat Melayu. Istilah sudah ditebuk tupai bukan sahaja memalukan seluruh keluarga lelaki, malah di kalangan masyarakat Melayu, pihak lelaki dianggap dayus sekiranya mereka mengahwini anak dara yang sudah tidak mempunyai dara lagi. Sekiranya pihak perempuan merahsiakan hal ini dari pengetahuan pihak lelaki, pihak lelaki berhak menceraikan isterinya jika dia menyedari yang dia telah ditipu setelah melalui malam pertama. Ini kerana, sudah menjadi adat masyarakat Melayu menetapkan nilai mas kahwin dan hantaran yang berbeza bagi seorang anak dara dan seorang janda. Nilai bagi seorang janda adalah separuh daripada nilai seorang anak dara.

Selain itu, pilihan yang tepat adalah difikirkan perlu bukan sahaja terhadap diri anak dara terbabit, tetapi juga ibu bapanya. Ini adalah kerana orang-orang Melayu dahulu berpegang kuat kepada perbidalan Melayu "Kalau hendak meminang anak, 'pinang' ibu bapanya dahulu”.Anak dara yang biasanya menjadi rebutan dan pilihan utama adalah anak dara yang sudah khatam Al-Quran, fasih dalam bacaan dan mahir membaca Al-Quran dalam lagunya serta mempunyai sedikit sebanyak tentang pengetahuan dan hukum-hukum dalam agama Islam. Begitu juga mereka dinilai dari segi rupa paras yang elok dan beberapa kemahiran asas yang lain seperti menjahit, menekat dan memasak.

Dalam adat merisik, selepas anak dara yang sesuai dipilih, biasanya wakil dari pihak lelaki datang ke rumah anak dara tersebut. Biasanya rombongan ini hanya disertai oleh ahli keluarga perempuan bagi pihak lelaki. Kedatangan ini bertujuan untuk berkenal-kenalan dengan keluarga pihak perempuan di samping melihat sendiri wajah dan tubuh badan anak dara tersebut. Kedatangan ini juga bertujuan untuk memastikan sama ada anak dara tersebut sudah dimiliki orang ataupun belum. Ada sesetengah rombongan yang hanya datang untuk melihat anak dara tersebut dan bersuai kenal dengan ahli keluarganya tanpa mengikat sebarang perjanjian atau memberi kata putus, namun ada juga yang terus mengikat janji persetujuan untuk menetapkan tarikh peminangan. Ini semua bergantung kepada pihak keluarga lelaki terbabit.

Ada rombongan yang datang tanpa diberitahu dan ada juga yang datang setelah dimaklumkan terlebih dahulu kepada pihak perempuan. Pada fahaman dan kepercayaan orang tua-tua, apabila kedatangan merisik itu dilakukan dengan tiba-tiba sahaja dan secara kebetulan pada waktu itu didapati anak dara tersebut sedang mandi atau mencuci pakaian, maka ia membawa suatu petanda yang baik, iaitu menunjukkan jodoh pertemuan yang sejuk. Ini kononnya membawa maksud bahawa jika kedua-duanya jadi diikat sebagai suami isteri, kehidupan mereka menjadi senang-lenang dan keadaan rumahtangga mereka sentiasa aman muafakat. Akan tetapi, sekiranya sewaktu rombongan datang, anak dara tersebut sedang memasak, maka ia membawa alamat kurang baik kerana dengan yang demikian, kononnya, membawa petanda panas, iaitu tidak begitu baik. Begitu juga dipercayai oleh orang tua-tua Melayu dahulu bahawa jika sewaktu di dalam perjalanan rombongan hendak pergi merisik anak dara berlaku sesuatu bencana seperti terdapat kayu di tengah-tengah jalan, iaitu sesuatu yang dianggap menggendalakan, maka ia juga dikatakan membawa petanda yang kurang baik terhadap jodoh tersebut. Namun begitu, bagi masyarakat Melayu moden kini, kepercayaan-kepercayaan sedemikian tidak lagi diamalkan dan dititikberatkan. Malah, tidak mustahil dikatakan sebilangan besar masyarakat Melayu kini kurang memahami alamat-alamat dan petanda yang datang kepada mereka.

Setelah selesai adat menilik, rombongan tersebut akan pulang. Satu rundingan diadakan di antara ahli keluarga pihak lelaki yang melibatkan adik-beradik dan waris terdekat untuk mencari kata putus tentang hal tersebut. Mereka kemudiannya berbincang untuk menetapkan tarikh yang sesuai untuk menjalankan adat meminang dan pertunangan.

Naik bukit terkedok- kedok,
Hendak cari damar batu,
Habis kering bergadai golok,
Hendak sambut anak menantu,

Maksud: Adat sambut menantu dalam masyarakat melayu telah lama di amalkan. Adat ini adalah untuk menyambut anak menantu yang baru berkahwin dengan anak lelaki mereka. Ini bertujuan untuk memperkenalkan kepada sanak saudara dan kepada masyarakat di rumah pihak lelaki. Ibu bagi pihak lelaki membuat kenduri bagi menyambut menantu baru mereka dan sanggup menghabiskan wang mereka bagi memeriahkan lagi kenduri sambutan menyambut menantu. Selain itu, adat menyambut menantu ini adalah untuk menghantar pengantin perempuan ke rumah pihak lelaki. Selain itu, ia juga untuk memberi kebiasaan kepada menantu perempuan untuk membuat kerja rumah dan di situlah ibu pihak lelaki melihat menantu mereka dengan lebih rapat lagi.

Petang- petang berisi manik,
Jambu air letak di tepi,
Tuan datang marilah naik,
Itulah air pembasuh kaki,

Maksud: Pada masyarakat Melayu, adat membasuh kaki sebelum memasuki rumah telah lama diamalkan. Setiap rumah masyarakat melayu mengandungi sebiji tempayan untuk mengisi air bagi membasuh kaki kepada para tetamu sebelum memasuki rumah mereka. Adat ini harus di gunakan untuk menjaga kebersihan kerana perjalanan yang kita lalui terdapat banyak pencemaran. Oleh itu, masyarakat melayu telah menyediakan air membasuh kaki di hadapan rumah bagi mengelakkan kotoran.

Pantun adat ini berkisar tentang kehidupan di dunia dan menjadi panduan kepada masyarakat khususnya dalam kehidupan sehari-hari.

Kalau tanduk menjadi gading,
Ambil sirih agak segagang,
Kalau duduk dalam berunding,
Fikiran jernih dada pun lapang.

Masyarakat khususnya pada zaman dahulu lebih mementingkan perundingan dan perbincangan dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. Dengan itu, mereka akan tenang dan akur dengan keputusan yang dibuat majoriti.

Kalau banyak bertanam puding,
Di mana busut di sana seminai,
Kalau bijak dalam berunding,
Di mana kusut di sana selesai.

Pantun ini menjelaskan bahawa jika masyarakat atau individu itu pandai dalam menyelesaikan masalah maka ianya akan mendapat penyelesaian yang mudah.

Ikan berenang di dalam lubuk,
Ikan belida dadanya panjang,
Adat pinang pulang ketampuk,
Adat sirih pulang ke gagang.

Memberitahu bahawa anak buah yang telah kematian isteri akan dibenarkan pulang ke tempat asalnya semula. Akan tetapi, ia dibenarkan juga untuk ke rumah bekas isterinya bagi melawat anak-anak yang ada.

Terdapat juga pantun adat perkahwinan yang boleh dibahagikan kepada beberapa bahagian iaitu;

Pantun pada awal pertemuan,
Pantun semasa peminangan,
Pantun semasa dalam pertunangan,
Pantun semasa menyambut pengantin,
Pantun semasa persandingan,
Pantun selepas perkahwinan.

1. Pantun Pada Awal Pertemuan

Pantun yang dilafazkan oleh masyarakat Melayu pada awal pertemuan pasangan berkisar kepada kata-kata di awal pengenalan antara pasangan. Menggunakan perkataan-perkataan yang indah sesuai dengan masa, tempat dan situasi pantun itu dilafazkan. Biasanya pasangan saling menduga hati masing-masing untuk memastikan mereka belum mempunyai buah hati dan saling menyukai. Setelah berkenalan pasangan saling puji-memuji untuk menarik perhatian pasangan masing-masing dan mengambil hati serta memupuk kasing sayang yang mendalam antara mereka.

Pantun-pantun yang dilafazkan jelas mencerminkan adat pergaulan bangsa Melayu yang kaya dengan budi bahasa, sopan santun, keimanan, pantang larang dan sebagainya. Contoh pantun yang sering dilafazkan seperti di bawah:

Perahu temberang pun baharu,
Baharu sekali masuk Melaka,
Abang baharu, adik pun baharu,
Baharu sekali kenal biasa.

Dua tiga kucing berlari,
Mana nak sama si kucing belang,
Dua tiga boleh ku cari,
Mana nak sama adik seorang.

Limau purut lebat di pangkal,
Sayang selasih condong uratnya,
Angin ribut dapat ditangkal,
Hati kasih apa ubatnya?

Apa tanda hari nak petang,
Anak merbah terciap-ciap,
Apa tanda cinta nak datang,
Darah di dada gerap-gemirap

Dari mana datangnya kelisa?
Dari sawah turun ke kali,
Dari mana datangnya cinta?
Dari mata turun ke hati.

Mengapa tuan pergi ke hutan,
Kerana hendak bertanam padi
Bila persahabatan menjadi percintaan,
Kata tidak diperlukan lagi.

Pantun sememangnya sangat akrab dengan masyarakat Melayu. Malahan, di dalam pantun banyak digambarkan tentang cara hidup masyarakat penciptanya iaitu masyarakat Melayu sama ada bertemakan agama, adat dan budaya, nasihat, jenaka, teka-teki, pantun perantau, pantun budi dan juga pantun yang menyentuh soal kasih sayang dan percintaan. Pantun yang bertemakan cinta dan kasih sayang, biasanya sangat indah dan menarik. Persoalan cinta ini sememangnya luas maknanya. Ada yang mengzahirkan cinta kepada tuhan, cinta kepada negara, agama, keluarga dan paling akrab; cinta kepada seseorang. Berikut adalah pantun yang berkaitan percintaan sesama manusia:

Pilih kiambang bertaut jarang,
Tempua berlagu rentaknya gundah;
Kasih tuan di laut seberang,
Hamba menunggu jemu tak sudah.

Keridik putih dirantai mati,
Gundah gulana perawan di laman;
Merisik kasih di pantai hati,
Sudikah bertakhta tuan budiman.

Teratai putih di taman larangan,
Harap tumbuh makmur mekarnya;
Menyemai kasih tuan seorang,
Harap sungguh subur membunga.
Bertih dan sagu dari seberang,
Sebungkus dua kuih koci;
Kasihku ini bukan sebarang,
Luhur tulus cinta nan suci.

Sesungguhnya, pantun-pantun yang berkisahkan percintaan dan kasih sayang dicipta dengan menggunakan bahasa yang puitis dan indah. Maksud yang ingin disampaikan biasanya dalam keadaan tersurat dan ada juga yang tersirat.

Fungsi pantun tersebut ialah untuk menyampaikan hasrat hati kepada seseorang yang dicintai. Di samping itu, ia juga bertujuan untuk memikat dan meluahkan perasaan terhadap insan yang dikasihnya. Penghayatan terhadap pantun bertemakan percintaan akan dapat menyuburkan rasa kecintaan yang mendalam dan bermakna.

2. Pantun Peminangan

Pantun-pantun yang dilafas lebih tersusun dan formal sesuai dengan majlis yang berlangsung. Maksud yang disampaikan terarah kepada hajat yang dibawa dan sebab-sebab datang bertandan. Biasanya kedua-dua pihak masing-masing mencari keserasian untuk mendapatkan satu permuafakatan dan persetujuan. Kedua-dua belah pihak akan menjaga tutur kata masing-masing, pantun yang dilafaskan disusun dengan teratur dalam suasana yang terkawal dan ceria. Kalau tersalah cakap akan membawa padah. Majlis berlangsung dalam suasana harmonis, beradat sesuai dengan budaya dan adat setempat. Contoh pantun-pantunnya seperti berikut:

Berkokok ayam dari hulu,
Ditangkap budak sedang berlari,
Angin memukul gelombang memalu,
Sebab berhajat kita ke mari.

Jika tidak kerana bulan,
Bilakan air pasang pagi?
Jika tidak kerana tuan,
Masakan kami datang ke mari?

Bukan kacang sebarang kacang,
Kacang melilit kayu jati,
Bukan datang sebarang datang,
Datang mengikat jantung hati.

Pagi-pagi pergi ke ladang,
Hendak menyemai benih padi,
Berapa tinggi Gunung Ledang,
Tinggi lagi hajat di hati.

Asap api di Tanjung Tuan,
Kuala Linggi bakaunya rendah,
Harap hati kepada tuan,
Langit tinggi kupandang rendah.

3. Pantun Semasa Dalam Pertunangan

Tempoh yang cukup meyiksakan buat kedua pasangan. Pantun yang dilapaskan penuh emosi, sarat dengan perasangka, saling rindu-merindui, cemburu, kasih sayang dan sebagainya. Turut mengambarkan harapan dan keserasian di antara pasangan.

Kuda kelabu menyeberang,
Terendam kaki pelananya,
Hati gila mabuk seorang,
Tuanlah sebab kerananya.

Jika tuan pergi ke tanjung,
Saya berkirim pisau lipat,
Jika tuan menjadi burung,
Saya menjadi seorang pemikat.

Jahit setangan pinggir dikelim,
Baik dikelim kembang kelapa,
Rindu dendam ke mana dikirim,
Mahu dikirim kepada siapa.

Buluh perindu di atas gunung,
Habis luruh buah padiku,
Rindu kekanda tiada tertanggung,
Hancur luluh rasa hatiku.

4. Pantun Semasa Menyambut Pengantin

Pantun yang dilafazkan mengambarkan adat mengunjung dan adat menerima pengunjung yang diamalkan oleh masyarakat Melayu. Kaya dengan budi bahasa, sopan santun dan memuliakan tetapi menyelitkan unsur cabar mencabar, bergurau senda, dan kata-mengata untuk menghidupkan majlis agar sentiasa segar dan ceria. Contoh pantunnya seperti di bawah:
Raja besar perang berarak,
Perang sekali tidak selesai,
Silalah tuan datang ke teratak,
Tikar jarang jarak merasai.

Kemili berjunjung naik,
Datang selingkar jatuh ke lubuk,
Jerangkan air di pangkal titi,
Saya berdiri sudah nak naik,
Berilah tikar saya nak duduk,
Berilah air pembasuh kaki.

Katang-katang berisi manik,
Yang sebiji berisi gelam,
Hulurkan tangan kami nak naik,
Kami datang di malam kelam.

5. Pantun Semasa Majlis Persandingan

Pantun-pantun yang dilafaskan khusus kepada kedua mempelai. Biasanya dilafazkan oleh pengacara, keluarga terdekat dan para hadirin yang hadir. Pantun-pantun yang dilafazkan menjurus kepada pengantin dengan kata-kata pujian dan keserasian di antara mereka. Contoh pantunnya seperti berikut:

Anak cina cari sembilang,
Dapat seekor di atas pasir,
Laksana mahkota gilang gemilng,
Sebagai emas baru diukir.

Jelatik burung jeladan,
Tekukur terbang tinggi,
Sama cantik, sama padan,
Kalau diukur sama tinggi.

Burung jelatik burung jeladan
Mencari sarang burung tempua
Sama cantik sama padan
Seperti pinang dibelah dua

Kain batik baju batik,
Batik datang dari Jawa,
Adik cantik abang cantik,
Bagai pinang belah dua.

Kain batik selendang batik,
Mari sebar di atas pentas,
Adik cantik abang cantik;
Bagai dakwat dengan kertas.

6. Pantun Selepas Berkahwin

Pantun-pantun yang dilafaskan adalah di antara suami dan isteri. Kata-kata yang dilafazkan untuk mengambarkan isi hati yang kesumbat dengan cinta, kasih sayang, pengharapan, janji setia dan sebagainya. Melalui pantun-pantun ini menjelaskan betapa murninya ikatan perkahwinan yang dianjurkan oleh agama, kerana melalui pekahwinan itu telah menghalalkan penyatuan dua hati yang saling lengkap-melengkapi, perlu-memerlukan, sehingga berlakunya satu perkongsian hidup yang benar-benar adil, harmonis dan bahagia. Antara pantun-pantun itu ialah:

Pohon selasih pohon semulih,
Ambil sopan pecahkan santun,
Sudah kita bertambah kasih,
Marilah kita berkarang pantun.

Anak muda berantai dokoh,
Padang luas larian kuda,
Sekarang baru mendapat jodoh,
barulah puas hati kakanda.

Tuailah padi antara masak,
Esok jangan layu-layuan,
Intailah kami antara nampak,
Esok jangan rindu-rinduan.

Layang-layang di atas bukit,
Kayu tengar dari seberang,
Cinta sayang bukan sedikit,
Racun penawar tuan seorang.

Seri Rama menambang tasik,
Tasik ditambang dipadan tetamu,
Sekian lama menanggung kasih,
Baharulah sekarang kita bertemu.

Padi bernama padi belok,
Benih datang dari Palembang,
Serta dapat bunga dijolok,
Baharulah dapat bunga yang kembang.

Belayar masuk Kuala Kedah,
Patah tiang timpa kemudi,
Sekuntum bunga terlalu indah,
Sekalian kumbang asyik berahi.

Penjelasan dan contoh-contoh pantun yang diutarakan di atas menunjukkan bahawa, pantun sangat istimewa dan tersendiri sifatnya. Penjenisan dari sudut tema khusus kepada tema perkahwinan yang dibincangkan ini tidak terdapat pada puisi-puisi Melayu Klasik yang lain. Ini merupakan suatu fenomena yang sangat menarik, kerana itulah pantun dianggap oleh banyak pengkaji sebagai suatu hasil kesusasateraan yang istimewa milik orang Melayu. Di sebalik keistimewaan bahasa dalam pantun itulah tersimpan khazanah dan keperibadian Melayu yang sebenar.
Bagaimanapun, pembahagian ini hanyalah suatu pembahagian yang umum dan bukan mutlak sifatnya. Pembahagiannya kepada enam peringkat proses perkahwinan masih boleh dipersoalkan. Tambahan pula pantun-pantun yang dihimpunkan ini bukan statik sifatnya. Pantun-pantun itu boleh juga dilafazkan dimana-mana majlis dan situasi mengikut kesesuaian dan keperluannya, tidak terikat dalam majlis perkahwinan sahaja. Bahkan, temanya juga boleh berubah mengikut keadaan dan keperluan si pengucapnya.
Namun begitu, pembahagian yang dibuat ini, pada hemat penulis ada rasional dan kepentingannya. Paling tidak, kita dengan mudah boleh mengenali adat dan peraturan majlis perkahwinan masyarakat Melayu, pemantunnya, budi bahasanya, sikap dan emosi serta gaya kasih sayang bangsa kita.

KESIMPULAN

Pantun adalah alat komunikasi yang sangat istimewa kerana bahasanya yang tepat dan mempunyai mesej untuk mendidik masyarakat. Setiap rangkap pantun sudah diukur terlebih dahulu dan kemudian bari digunakan. Keistimewaan bahasa dalam pantun menunjukkan kebijaksanaan orang Melayu dalam mendidik masyarakat supaya beradat dan beradab.

Pantun yang istimewa terutama dari segi bahasanya yang indah dan kritis dijadikan sebagai sumber rujukan, ilmu dan amanat. Pantun juga adalah alat komunikasi Melayu yang tidak bercanggah dengan Islam. Sastera dan budaya sememangnya mempunyai kedudukan yang tersendiri menurut pandangan Islam seperti yang diakui oleh Allah dalam kitab suci al-Quran mahupun dalam hadis Nabi Muhammad.

Dalam al-Quran terdapat surah khusus yang membincangkan peranan, kepentingan, ciri-ciri sasterawan dan seniman Islam yang terdapat dalam Surah Asy-Syura (Surah Para Penyair) yang menjelaskan apa yang harus dilakukan dan tidak harus dilakukan oleh seseorang sasterawan atau budayawan kerana apa yang dilakukan dan dihasilkan akan ditanya dan diadili oleh Allah pada hari kiamat.

Pantun yang baik telah membuatkan orang Melayu jadi unik dan istimewa. Banyak nilai baik dalam pantun yang boleh kita amalkan kerana boleh mewujudkan perpaduan orang Melayu, Islam dan rakyat di negara kita. Walaupun kita sudah memasuki abad yang ke 21, namun pantun yang istimewa, menarik dan kritis masih terus diamalkan dan bukan mustahil untuk diteruskan. Apa yang penting orang Melayu harus memahami sedalam mungkin mesej pantun itu sendiri.

Pantun yang baik dan istimewa patut kita amalkan dan menjadi darah daging kerana banyak membawa kesan yang positif kepada khalayak. Sebenarnya pantun sepatutnya bukan menjadi hiasan majlis sahaja, tetapi ia perlu dijadikan sebagai pakaian harian orang Melayu dan peminat-peminatnya. Bahasanya yang indah dan padat sungguh tepat untuk menyampaikan mesej kepada sasarannya.


RUJUKAN

Ahmad Kamal Abdullah. 1989. Unsur-Unsur Islam Dalam Puisi Melayu Moden. Kuala
Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

Harun Mat Piah. 1997. Puisi Melayu Tradisional. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan
Pustaka.

Zainal Abidin Abu Bakar. 1983. Kumpulan Pantun Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa
dan Pustaka.

Mohd. Thani Ahmad et al. 1990 (2002), Kurik-Kundi Merah Saga Kumpulan Pantun Lisan Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

Permata Timur. 1998. Persatuan Kesusasteraan Bandingan Malaysia

SEMIOTIC OF BILL-BOARDS

SEMIOTIC OF BILL-BOARDS

Ahmad Khair bin Mohd Nor
Department of Malay Language


Introduction

The role of bill-boards in business’ premises is vital as a form of publicity to attract customers, whether to inform about the business itself, or to tell about the services offered by the business premise. The language used on the bill-boards can be found in varieties of shapes and formats based on linguistic or nonlinguistic factors. The nonlinguistic factors are based on the statements that explained that the name on bill-boards is one of the sign which could attract consumers to come to the premise, or to get the bargain or services offered by the premise. In linguistics terms, the usage of bill-boards is part of sign system (semiotic). The language on the bill-boards will help the public to know of the patterns of the language usage. It will explain why certain forms of language are being used and some do not.

Language is a communication tool (Lyons 1977: 32). There are many of ways on how we could convey information, and one of them is using bill-boards. Bill-boards, in particular language on bill-boards, contain varieties of information. It is designed to persuade the audience to buy the products or services advertised on the bill-boards. Therefore, the language on the bill-board is meant to positively influence consumers.

Semiotic refers to the science of symbols and signs. According to a semiotic scholar, Charles Sanders Pierce ( ), “sign is what represents something for someone”. And language contains a system of signs and symbols which represents ideas and concepts. Therefore, from the semiotic perspective, the name of a company or business is in actual fact a sign. It refers to an object either in physical or abstract forms.

One’s experiences about the surrounding play a vital role in interpreting the sign. A sign is a combination of a concept and an utterance that represents the concept. And between concept and utterance, a suitable sign (or icon) is created.

Names of businesses, trademarks and brands of all types of products and services do represent such experiences within the audience. Therefore, they all could be used in advertisements to persuade the audience to buy products and services. For example, the company names such as Astro, Celcom and Maxis are being used as icons to highlight the services from the respective telecommunication companies. The name or business icons are used by the business communities to indicate the existence of the particular businesses.

Besides that, it is designed to attract the public to buy products or services advertised by the company. Apart from that, the name on the business bill-boards can be a sign to indicate educational level and culture of the people involved. It is clear that the name stated on the bill-board described the skill and creativity of the advertisers in using the language used. The language used are words, names, lines, or sentences used by the owner of the business to display the bill-boards.

Generally, it can be said that premises have bill-boards that consist of the business’ name, which are professionally made and with a variety of contents. The use of names on bill-boards depends on various factors such as reliability, environment, events, etc. which have become a sign system for the growth of the business itself.

Names and the world view of the language

It is important for names to be seen in every aspects of human life. Each daily activity is always related with people’s names, events or places. Sometimes these names are being mentioned or act as references. The definition or meaning is an amount of words which become the substantives for the noun phrase. Basically, nouns consist of names of people, places, objects or concepts. (Tatabahasa Dewan, 2008). For instance, the word Maryam, si Belang, rumah, cahaya, Melayu etc. are nouns that refer to something concrete or abstract. When a name is used, it is related with the world view (weltanschauung) of the community.

There is a difference in the categorization of nouns into sets. For the purpose of this paper, categorization made by Zabeeh (1968) and Le Bihan (1974) is used. Classifications of nouns are as follows:

Nouns: Aminah, Muaz, Suzana, etc.
Names of Animalas: Sang Kancil (deer), Si Belang (tiger) Sang Lamri (fox) etc.
Terms of address: Ayah (father), Emak (mother), Pak Ngah, etc.
Place names: Ipoh, Malaysia, Taman Wangsa, etc.
Time and Date: Monday, May, Century, etc.
Institutional Names: Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris, UiTM, Ministry of Education, etc.
Products: Panadol, Sembilu, Concorde, etc.
Symbols: H2O (Science). % (Maths)
Specific name for publicity: Lucy (Storm), kembar siam (Siamese twins), Minah Kilang (factory girls)

Such a classification not absolute, as the categorization given above can be merged into a fewer sets:
Name: 1, 2, and 3.
Place: 4
Time: 5
Names of man-made products: 6, 7, and 8
Metaphor’s: 9

Object and observation materials

In this paper, the nouns (names) on the bill-boards are the object of the observation. They refer to businesses, industrial products, and services. The bill-boards observed are located around the town of Tanjung Malim.

The premises observed are restaurants, photo shops, fashion houses, tailor shops, mini markets, blacksmiths and motor vehicle workshops, hardware shops, hawkers, etc. Banks and schools are not included. For the purpose of this research, the premises have been picked randomly. All the data taken and analyzed are based on the categories and the appeal the bill-borads made. The bill-boards selected in this research have been categorized into 6 groups:

Bill-boards without names (but the activities is indicated)
Bill-boards without any name
Bill-boards based on nature extract
Bill-boards based on place
Bill-boards based on prominent people
Bill-boards based on numbers

These six categories of bill-boards will be discussed below.

1. Bill-boards without any names

The owners do not use their names or other people’s names on the premise due to the reason where they are more inclined to show indicators of services offered by them. By doing so, the public will easily know of the services or business offered by that particular premise. Beside that, by doing it this way, it can help the consumers choose the services or products they want. For example:

Kedai Sukan dan Alat Tulis, (Stationery and Sports Equipment Shop),
Kedai Pajak Gadai (Pawn Shop),
Restoran Tom Yam, (Tom Yam Restaurant),
Klinik Gigi, (Dental Clinic),
Gedung Perabot (Furniture Mall),
Kedai Jahit (Tailor Shop),
Tukang Kunci (Locksmith),
Tukang Kasut (Cobbler),
Kedai Gunting (Barber Shop),
Kedai Photostat (Photocopy Shop),
Butik Kecantikan (Beauty Parlor),
Sekolah Memandu (Driving School),
Salon Kecantikan (Beauty Salon),
Kedai Barang-Barang Perhiasan (Accessories Shop) etc.

Sometimes this category of shops will add additional information after offering their services. (Italicized words are used to spell the additional information). For instance:
Kedai Gunting Rambut Wanita (Women’s Barber Shop), Restoran Nasi Kandar Pulau Pinang (Penang’s Nasi Kandar Restaurant), Kedai Jahit(an) Wanita (Women’s Tailor Shop), Kedai Pakaian Pengantin (Bridal Shop), Kedai Komputer Servis dan Jualan (Computer Shop, Sales and Services), Rawatan Kecantikan Tradisional (Traditional Beauty Treatment), etc.

There are some bill-boards that do not write down information, instead symbols or marks are used, such as logos of the company are displayed, logos of spectacles, or symbols of keys. For instance, when Panasonic logo is used for electrical products is enough to tell the shoppers about the products. Therefore, it could attract the consumers.

Other examples, the sign crescent helps to advertise a Klinik (clinic), the sign of a key will help describe the Tukang Kunci (locksmith). In this matter, crescent and key are considered as icons.

Owners of premises which do not provide any information using words, believe that this is a more effective method to get the public to know of the products and services offered. Therefore, what the consumers need is just an indicator of the services or products offered. In this context, a bill-board provide the icons that signify messages intended.

There are bill-boards that have added extra information in them. For example:

Kedai Elektrik (Electrical Appliances Shop)
Servis dan Membaiki Air-Con dan Alat Elektrik (Air-conditioner and electrical appliances repairs and services)
Telefon: 05-4506567

Writing only electrical appliances on the bill-board can cause the customers to assume that only electrical appliances are sold in the shop. To avoid that extra information is needed in the bill-boards. In this case, the owner adds ‘Air-conditioner and electrical appliances, repairs and services’ on the board to tell customers that his shop also provides repairs and services. Besides, he also adds a phone number for the customers to call. These types of bill-boards give customers information so that they can easily go to the shop that provide services wanted. Other examples are:

Kedai Alat Telekomunikasi
(Menjual serta Membaiki Telefon Bimbit, Alat-alat
Perhubungan dan Alat-alat Ganti)
Telefon: 6214663/6234453

Telecommunication Device Shop
(Cell phone and spare parts sales and services)
Telephone: 6214663/6234453

2. Bill-board with names

There are a few ways of displaying bill-boards with names:

Bill-boards with owner’s full name
Bill-boards with owner’s nickname
Bill-boards with family member’s name
Bill-boards with owner’s full name

These category of bill-boards contain the owner’s full name and the services that they provide, for example:

Maulana’s Groceries Shop, Rosmah’s Bakery Shop, Rahmah’s Beauty Salon, Jalal’s Restaurant, and Lim’s Electrical Appliances Shop.

Bill-boards with owner’s nickname are dominant on the Malay business premises. They usually use names that signify the elders in the family such as, Restoran Opah (Grandma’s Restaurant), Kedai Kakak Yang (Kak Yang’s Stall), and Restoran Mak Teh (Mak Teh’s Restaurant). In semiotic, these names represent the name of the owner that have very close or affective connotation to the customers. As in the Opah’s Restaurant (Grandma’s Restaurant) for example, customers will feel like eating at home with good cuisine and warm hospitality.

Bill-boards with family member’s name show that the businesses are family businesses. It also represents the respect that they have with each other in the businesses. The examples are: Kedai Perabot Lim dan Anak-Anak (Lim and Son’s Furniture Shop), Alaku and Daughter’s Groceries Shop.

3. Bill-boards with nature elements

Nature enthusiasts use elements of nature on their bill-boards. For examples: Rimbun Selasih Pharmacy, Anggerik Desa Hotel, Bunga Raya Hotel, Mangga Stall, and Cahaya Resort. They use these kinds of names to incorporate the beauty of nature into their business. It usually brings the feelings of peace and calm to the businesses. The selection of these names is parallel with Barthes’ opinion, where these elements represent the symbol of richness of the world.

4. Bill-boards based on the name of places

This type of bill-boards is mainly used in food-based businesses. They used names of places to show where the food originated. It somehow enhances the customers’ enjoyment in consuming the food. Customers are said to experience the taste of the original foods from such places such as: Selera Minang (Minang’s Cuisines), Nasi Kandar Pulau Pinang, Masakan Kampung, Pau Tanjung Malim. It is also being used in other types of business, for examples, Perabot Taman Bernam, Kedai Runcit Taman Segar.

5. Bill-boards with the name of a respected person

Sometimes, the contribution of a person is chosen as the business’ name and written on bill-boards. As an example, a book store has the name of Pustaka Za’ba, after well known scholara. The bill-boards is a way of showing an appreciation toward him.

6. Bill-boards based on numbers

Using numbers in bill-boards is a way of informing the customers of the price rates in chargeable. For example, Kedai Dua Ringgit, where all goods sold are priced at RM2.00 each. Besides that, the Chinese believe that certain numbers could bring good luck to the business, such as a double eight Lapan-lapan (double eight). This number means happiness and prosperity according to the Chinese customs. So having a name like Restoran Lapan-lapan on the sign-board could bring happiness and prosperity to the owner and also the customers.

Language Structure

These are what I have found from the analysis of language aspect on sign-boards:

1. Writing in short form

Sometimes shop owners use short forms (initials) on bill-boards as there is not enough space, such as, Kedai Jam K.S.Lim. But there are bill-borads written in short form without providing clear information. For example, Kedai Buku C.C.Y. and Perniagaan R&S. Perhaps they were merely taking a simple name for their business, or a combination of alphabets that represents their affection for someone.

2. Names in foreign language

Choices of words on bill-boards also have been influenced by foreign languages. The Malay borrows many English words in order to keep up with the latest terms or new words. Therefore, many business people choose to use the latest terms in the language to match the services that they provide. For example, they use words that represent technology for information, for technology based-business. They came up with Cyber-Café, Pusat Internet, Kedai Komputer and Mobile-phone as their business names.

This type of business usually sells modern products such as communication devices, clothing, and fast food. Examples: John Master (clothing brand), KFC restaurant (fast food) and Rhythm (bookstore).

Arabic words are used by the Muslims who have religion-based business, for example, Rufaqa Restaurant and Kedai Buku Agama Ihya.


3. Sentences without subject

Usually due to limitation of space, subjects of sentences are left out. For instance Rawatan Homophati (homeopathy treatment) instead of homeopathy treatment shop or Masakan Minang (Minang Cuisine) instead of Restoran Masakan Minang.


Conclusion

In general, business people do make the bill-boards with professional help to promote the business name to attract customers. Those business names are usually taken from family names, nature or respected person. After all, these names are the mechanism in choosing the right name for the right business for effective promotion of products.


References

Abdul Jalil Hj Ishak. (2002). “Pemilihan Nama Tempat Dalam Weltanschauung
Melayu: Kerelevanannya Dari Sudut Geografi Sejarah.” dalam Prosiding Persidangan Antarabangsa Pengajian Melayu Beijing Ke-2. Penyusun Abdullah Hassan. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

Ahmad Khair Mohd Nor. (2003). Pengantar Sintaksis Bahasa Melayu. Kuala Lumpur :
Utusan Publications and Distributors.

Barthes, Roland. (1957). Mythologies. Paris : Editions du Seuil.

John Haiman. (1980). The Iconicity of Grammar. Language 56.3:515-40.

John Lyons. (1977). Pengenalan Linguistik Teoretis. (Pent. Abdullah Hassan) Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

Sudjiman, Panuti dan Aart van Zoest. (1992). Serba-Serbi Semiotika. Jakarta: PT Gramedia Pustaka Utama.

MALAYSIAN PERSPECTIVE AND PRACTISE OF MULTICULTURISM IN EDUCATION

MALAYSIAN PERSPECTIVE AND PRACTISE OF MULTICULTURISM IN EDUCATION

Mr. Samsudin Suhaili
Faculty of Languages
Sultan Idris University of Education


Summary in English

Malaysian society is multicultural. As such, members of its societies must take steps to know and adapt themselves within that society. This is crucial in order to ensure the Malaysian society grow from one generation to the next. We must take into account and ensure that the differences in religion, language and culture do not escalate into enmity and conflicts. It is obvious that the concept of multiculturalism is indeed important in a process of nation building common values should be stressed to neutralize ethnocentricity and factionalism.

The discussion on education planning and the implementation of the education policy would be wise to take an approach that is cultural in nature. It should take into account the various cultural traits that should be incorporated into the policy. We do have existing codes and by-laws that are being observed as basis to develop cultural tolerance and togetherness. However, the cultivation of such values in a natural manner among members of our pluralistic society seems to be just as important. This entails that a concept of multiculturalism that accepts and accord the right to certain cultural values, reciprocal understanding and tolerance would ensure individual freedom and that of the country and the nation.

This concept of multiculturalism has been elaborated, and it is one that has been incorporated and practised in education. History of the country and the direction to be adopted are made the objectives of our education system. In addition to that, Malay is taught as language of unity and as a feature of national Malaysia identity. Still, the differing history and traits of the students should not be summarily waived aside.

In fact, national integration in previous European colonies appears to continue being an issue. This is due to failure to integrate the various political factions, ethnic groups, language, religious and social economic groups. As a colony of the British, Malaysia is also facing the same problem, though it cannot be said to be as serious as others. Issues on national integration should be stressed upon using a more rational approach acceptable to all. This is crucial in order to sustain peace, prosperity and stability.

Through multicultural education, students’ readiness, understanding, response and acceptance of various ethnics and cultures in our country would be inculcated to ensure the country will be more harmonious in the future. In ensuring Malaysians who live in a multiracial country to be more tolerant, it is important to inculcate them with the sense of equality and understanding. One of the effective instruments is through formal education which has appropriate materials and teaching methodology.

By looking from the perspective of creating nation’s nation, re-evaluation of educational philosophy, system and practice should be done effectively. By taking such approach, the existed philosophy and system will be having added-values as well as fulfilling the current needs of pluralistic society in Malaysia. Therefore, continuous research and rearrangement of curriculum and co curriculum and the use of text books should be done in order to bring up to date the unification of cultural education in school. Co-curriculum activities which can instil understanding among ethnicity, culture and national value should be given a priority. At the same time, cooperation among schools, teachers and students in the same district should be enhanced either by means of curriculum or co-curriculum activities.

Through multicultural education, students will be assisted to develop cooperation, understanding, and readiness to accept various ethnic cultures existing in Malaysia. This should be developed into an asset to build a harmonious society. The sense of togetherness and willingness to cooperate is of utmost importance. As such a suitable formal education system should be developed using suitable approaches and materials.

A critical evaluation of the present philosophy and practice in national education system need to be done. This means that we will be giving more positive values to the present policy to meet the need of a Malaysian multicultural society. Studies to restructure the curriculum and co-curriculum in our education system need to be undertaken from time to time to ensure that cultural education and social integration occur in schools. Stress should be placed upon understanding between ethnic groups and national values. Cooperation between schools, teachers and students in the same district need to be enhanced.

With this awareness, cultural education, in particular that of national culture and multiculturalism should be stressed upon at various levels of education. Under the influence of globalization and the borderless world, the principle of togetherness, mutual respect and tolerance should be repackaged on a broader and general perspective.

A BRIEF SURVEY OF MALAYSIAN ART

A BRIEF SURVEY OF MALAYSIAN ART

Professor Dr. Zakaria Ali
Faculty of Art and Music
Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris


Jutting into the sea, the Malay Peninsular divides it in two, the Malacca Straits to the west, and the South China Sea to the east. Since Ptolemaic times, traders have found it convenient to stop at any number of estuaries along the coast to rest, exchange goods, refurbish fresh water, anywhere from the Merbok River in the north, the Malacca River in the center and at the Singapore River in the South. From May to October, the Southwest monsoon winds blows in the southwesterly directions, bringing ships from India and the Middle East; from November to April, the winds blows in the northeasterly directions, bringing ships from China. Over time, Chinese, Indian, Arab, and later European cultures left their marks on these riverside kingdoms, whose art we shall survey, in what follows.

Of the many Indian artifacts dug or discovered is the “Jalong Bronze”. With this work, the art historian A. B. Griswold is better able to compare it with works from Indonesia, Thailand and Kampuchia (A. B. Griswold, “The Jalong Bronze,” FMJ, Vol. VII, (1962), pp.64-66). In terms of iconography, the beard, the tresses of hair, the bulging abdomen and the upavita can be compared to the figures in Plate 41 of A. J. Bernet Kempers’ Ancient Indonesian Art, Cambridge, 1959 (A. J. Bernet Kempers, Ancient Indonesian Art (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1959). The way the upavita, short-waist cloth, pointed beards, long ear lobes, no jewel are depicted is reminiscent of the figure in Plate XXVII in Dupont’s La Statuaire perangkorienne, Ascona, 1954. A Brahmin without a jatamukuta in Plate 61 in Boisselier’s La Statuaire Khmere et son evolution, Saigon, 1955. The bronze, the anatomical forms, the treatment of fingers and projected heels, the lack of jewel, the short waist cloth match with figures in Plates XIX and XX of Dupont op cit. Locks of hair falling over his shoulders are also found in Plates 12, 14, 15, 17 of Coedes’ Les collections archeologiques du Musee National de Bangkok, Paris, 1928. Similar figures can also be found in Figures 40 and 44 in Reginald le May’s Buddhist Art in Siam, Cambridge, 1938 (Reginald le May, A Concise History of Buddhist Art in Siam (Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press, 1938).).

A.B.Griswold’s 1962 interpretation has withstood the test of time. First, he says this is an idealized portrait of a Brahmin, well known in the neighborhood for his saintliness. Second, the facial features have no parallel in the works marshaled above for iconographic affinities. Third, the artist has inserted something of the personality of the pious man. The realism of the water flask hints at a Malay origin of the work, made perhaps not very far from where it was dug out. “… but it is hard to date with any precision. As the simplicity of the iconography provides but meager clues…” (A.B. Griswold, “ The Jalong Bronze…”p.64.) but sufficient enough to infer the date to the 9th century.

Chinese influence is best seen in the design, the composition, and the choice of subject matter on the minbar at the three Malacca mosques; Masjid Trengkera, Masjid Pengkalan Rama, and Masjid Kampung Hulu, all completed around 1728. Under the Dutch, Malacca attracted wealthy Chinese Muslim traders who were probably of the Hanafiah persuasion. They most likely financed the construction on these mosques with their elaborate minbars whose designs bear witness to a feeling of ‘Chineseness’, maintained over the years by having pink reapplied to the background. Even a winter vignette of cherry blossom is included on the gateway at Kampung Hulu; a similar scene at the Pengkalan Rama and at Trengkera, a perfect still-life, showing a vase from which stems, stalk sheaths, leaves and flowers emerge. Next to it is a small bowl of fruits, both of which sit on a table of right-angled fret design. Also, the sleek curl in the outer border at the front feet using continuous vine that meanders from the bottom up, giving an elegant dragon-tail profile. At the bottom panel is the ‘bunga Berbaring’ thickly carved and appropriately positioned at the base, upon which two other panels with thinner, thus ‘lighter’ motifs, are stacked.

In all the three minbars the ends of the tulang perabung or ridges swirl dramatically skywards, called pemeles that resemble the eave corners found on the roofs of Chinese temples. At the Masjid Kampung Hulu and at the Masjid Pengkalan Rama, the motif is either the ‘bunga Ketumbi’ or the mangosteen corolla, while it is the lotus at Trengkera. Such ostentatious display of the designer’s skills and, by extension, of the patron’s wealth runs counter to the deep austerity of Shafie school that permeates Malay Islam. Perhaps this explains why minbar in the 19th and the 20th centuries were rigorously simplified, largely unadorned, minimally decorated.

The 19th century British journeymen watercolorist is keen, curious, an exploratory. He collects data, evaluate and classify them. The reports he submits are scrupulously written, down to the finest details, according to standards set by his superiors. Literary texts, archeological artifacts, stuffed animals, weapons, mental works, costumes, and other valuables are shipped to the libraries and museums in London or Leiden where they are catalogued, exhibited, studied. He is proud to contribute to the body of Knowledge that is observable, opened to disputes, reinterpreted in any number of ways.

The visual materials include a few oils, sketches, and watercolors done largely by amateurs. John Turnbull Thomson in the 1840s, painted many scenes of ships anchored at the port of Pulau Pinang, the old St. George’s Church., Penang Hill, Bukit Tambun; he depicted Melaka town from St, Paul’s Mount, the estuary of the Melaka River from the deck of his ship, and other scenes in Singapore and Johor. While Thomson is no great talent, he leaves some invaluable records of our early sea towns and villages, vignettes of tropical luxuriance recorded as though in the cool hues of late autumn.

About 40 years later in the 1880s, Frank Swettenham and George Gills took a river trip from Kuala Bernam on the West Coast to Kuala Lipis. They then trekked down the Pahang River to Pekan, on the East Coast, doing lots of watercolors of the scenes and people they encountered. Overwhelmed by the almost impenetrable jungle infested with snakes and tigers, they could no more than do brief studies of essentials. The faces of his Malay boatmen, two Sikhs wrestling, mist covered mountain slopes, the calm and placid river. Social hierarchy is inadvertently inserted in a picture of two white men sitting at the breakfast table in the garden, while natives squat beneath the trees and watch; a view of a mosque from a window across the river; Mount Pondok painted from the Residency in Kuala Kangsar. These attempts to understand the exotic flavor of the Orient define the white man’s sense of who he is in relation to the faceless mass of brown natives.

These works are sketchy, meant to be a visual diary, hastily done with little care for the fine points of technique. The link between the artists and their subject matter is superficial, very much like a modern tourist snapping pictures from the window of a bus, whizzing through some remote village. From these works we see that the imagination of the colonialist is pretty ordinary; give an equally talented native the same means, he would paint just about the same way.

Peter Harris, an art superintendent formed the Wednesday Art Group in 1952 mainly for teachers interested in art to work together in the spirit of learning. He disseminated the notion of “ free expression” by which his students dabbled and dibbled, to express the delights of discovery.

Using borrowed spaces in canteens and school halls, Harris set up his still life, or a model for his students to copy. Often, too, they took painting trips to the country or the beaches. His series on the Tanjung Bidara in Melaka reveal an approach to teaching that dispenses with the use of perspective, figure drawing and color gradation. Instead, he smeared primary colors with a palette knife resulting in fudged lines, rough textures, and accentuating forms. Traces of Peter Harris can be seen in the works of Ismail Mustam and Syed Ahmad Jamal who at various times participated in his classes.

Returning from the Camberwell Art School in London in 1952, TayHooi Keat demonstrated in his works that the imagination was expressed in figure drawing. Many of his charcoal and pencil drawings in the 1950s were of nudes handled with such mastery that conservative local viewers were offended by their alleged lewdness. Had the works been by an Englishman, people couldn’t care less. By applying the right proportion and foreshortening, Tay Hooi Keat concealed his origin but showed instead that his talent reflected the teaching adopted in the beaux-arts (bu-zarts) tradition. And his biblical subjects such as “Jesus Washing Peter’s Feet” (1951) and “Noah’s Ark” (1952), blur the distinctions between the aesthetics of the ruler and the ruled. When he started to do less figurative works from the 1960s onward, it became even clearer that styles, too, failed to suggest an imagination attributable to a region or a historical time block.

Syed Ahmad Jamal, graduated from the Chelsea School of Art in London in 1955, asserts that “Truth and sincerity above anything else. It does not matter if people say an artist is too Western or not enough Malay. These are artificial boundaries. The artist must look at true values. “These are hard to come by. Reacting to a pressure asserted later in his career that, in fact, there is a native imagination as opposed to a foreign one, Syed Ahmad Jamal in his “Penang Series”, partially shuns the equation of Malay imagination with any one symbol. Identity can be inferred from a symbol, of course; the betel tree on the flag is of state Penang. Identity in art is an exercise in perception, an evocation of consciousness and its objects, as Mortimer J. Adler puts it: What is the object that the mind must be conscious of, and that the eyes must perceive?

Syed Ahmad Jamal finds the triangle as a motif with which something of the Malaysian imagination may be visualized. I see the apex as a description of what it means to be together, to agree on a point, to compromise, to feel secure, to appreciate hierarchy, to respect inherited and elected authority. The two sidelines mark the limits of consciousness. The several base lines hark back to Malay culture, which itself is in a state of flux, recipient of numerous influences from diverse sources since at least the 15th century. As such, there may be a Malay imagination but expressed on canvas, it simply dissipates. Having subscribed to the visual hegemony of expressionism for over three decades, Syed Ahmad Jamal finds it hard to draw the line, dividing the pre and post of the stretch of his imagination.

Since the 1970s a medley of ideas associated with the post modernist fracturing of forms, the muddying of content, the mixing of painting and theater, the drawing of inspiration from literary sources, has helped widen the definition of art.

Taking their clues from the Futurists in Milan of the 1920s, Piyadasa and Suleiman Esa teamed up and published a manifesto Towards a Mystical Reality in 1974. In it they stress that to conceptualize reality, the artist must perceive it in its mystical light, a term denoting the dimensionality of absences that defines the essence of an object, or a situation as a given time and place. A chair, a mosquito coil, used tins of paint, a discarded rain coat, a sample of human hair are some of the examples given to reassert the plurality of visual experiences.

From early on, patterned cloth has been associated with folks regardless of their status. The royalty would have the means to have the sarong and the batik made in the palace atelier, or have them ordered from elsewhere. In the 15th century chronicle, the Sejarah Melayu, the sultan of Malacca is so taken in by the designs on the cloths from the lands of the Kalinga, that he orders his trusted aid Hang Nadim to India, to bring home a shipload, numerically tempered by the chronicler in the name of propriety, to forty varieties of cloth and forty lengths of each variety, and each length had to have forty varieties of floral motifs (C.C. Brown (ed.), “Sejarah Melayu or The Malay Annals” , Journal of the Malayan Branch of Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXV, Parts 2 and 3, October 1952, p. 140.) The chronicler inserts his sub-text concerning the inferiority of the Kalinga designs that come nowhere near those drawn in Malacca. He records how Hang Nadim rejects all the preliminary sketches the Indian designers show him, until they are simply exasperated and demand that he designs what he wants himself. The examples he shows them are so exquisite that the Indians copy them right away on the bulk of cloth all rolled up for the purpose.

The international ambience of the port of Malacca provides the means and ideas that the Malays readily utilize. The white cotton cloth is largely Indian; the blue and green dyes, Persian; black and red, Chinese. Yellows, pinks, violets, greens are local, derivatives of turmeric, kundang seeds, keluduk fruits, green shoots, soot. Very early on standards are set: colors that last are superior to those that fade after a wash or two. And with royal patronage the Javanese craftsmen excel unimpeded, exporting their batik to various port cities, including Malacca. The Javanese batik proves to be the most durable.

Malay Muslim traditional designs found in panels of houses and palaces, carved on pulpit (minbar) in mosques, weaved into mats, engraved upon keris and machete handle, printed on batik cloth are largely floral and geometrical, and the combination of the two. The underlying design principles employed are a set of motifs susceptible to repetition, elaboration and distortion, stylized in curvilinear scrolls and convolutions. These resulted in a rugged surface unity that at times is baroque and overwhelming, transforming an archway in the Istana Ampang Tinggi Seremban (1865), for instance, into a celestial guardian portal. Yet other floral design, interwoven in a continuous coiling spiral of leaves, such as the one on the pillar at the Istana Lama Sri Menanti, Kuala Pilah (1908) is smooth and uncluttered, emitting a cool classicism imitated by countless designers in the decades that followed.

In the 1950s there was the Penang Teachers’ Art Circle established in 1952 led by Tay Hooi Keat and Abdullah Ariff, bitter enemies over who got the scholarship to study art in London. In Kuala Lumpur, there was the Arts Council registered on the 15 April 1952 organized by the expatriate Mubin Sheppard who was to be the first Director of the National Art Gallery. The Chinese educated artists formed the Penang Art Society on 28 April 1953, led by Kuo Ju Ping. Not to be sidelined, Mohd Noor bin Ahmad registered the Malay Teachers’ Union that organized the group exhibition from the 21th to the 29th of April 1954.

The art scene attracted the attention of colonial officials, one of whom, Tony Beamish, wrote a book, The Arts of Malaya, published in 1954, the second of its kind to discuss modern art in Malaya. The first was the Malay Industries: Part I. Arts and Crafts by R.O. Winstedt, published in 1909 that discusses carpentry, building boats, pottery, metalworks, weavings, cord-making, embroidery and lace.

The Malay Arts Council or the Majlis Kesenian Melayu changed its name on the 15th of April 1958 to the Angkatan Pelukis Semenanjung / The Frontline Artists of the Peninsular envisioned by Mohd Hoessein Enas, whose slogan was “Seni dan Masyarakat/ Art and Society” adopting the more politically oriented Malay writers’ group, the Asas 50, whose slogan was “Seni Untuk Masyarakat/Art For Society”. The artists were tamed compared to the virulent anti-British writings of the Asas 50. Political pressure finally bore fruits: the National Art Gallery was instituted in 1958.

Exhibited in the National Art Gallery were the Mah Meri, as well as those from Sabah and Sarawak. Their carvings depicted the characters in their legends and myths that bonded their communities together. By exhibiting side by side with the works of Syed Ahmad Jamal and other modernists, these carvings were finally conferred the status of art, which otherwise they would not have.

In 1968 the School of Art and Design was established at the Mara Institute of Technology, offering diploma courses in Fine Arts. Soon, the Universiti Sains Malaysia offered degree-level courses in Fine Arts. From these two institutions, the graduates went on to become leading artists such as Amron Omar, as can be seen from his self-portrait. Amron’s is more than just a face, frontal or profile, the mug shot inherited from the Renaissance. His is seen from above, mostly the forehead and hard-ridged nose, part of an eye, and the mouth barely. The left shoulder bulged with the arm resting on the knee raised leaning on the side rest. The chest muscle is stretched out, revealing that the collarbones are stressed a little to the fore but too much to the back. The folds of the sarong add to the character of the sitter, one who admires simplicity and despises pretensions, delights in puncturing hollow claims but making some himself. The sarong is light, airy, easy to fold, hugging the shape of the buttocks, the thighs and the knees, a cover ideal in the heat of the tropics.

The design of the sarong reinforces the diagonal composition, with the gray bands slanting sideways, much like the series of the shadows on the floor that partially covers the sitter. The lighted part suggests the theme of duality: the sitter and his rocking chair; the seated figure and the empty room; the seen in the scene and the unseen outside the scene. By extension, the sitter embodies the gentle and the violent, the self-effacing and the rude, the placid and the amuck, precariously balanced, each on edge. The rocking chair, too, is similarly positioned, allowing the muted light to illuminate the pleats of the sarong, the right chest, the fingers, and the up-raised toe. The dark blurring on the light on the floor is the sarong pattern magnified, another way of aligning space division, of unifying the story with on open-ending note.


References:
Brown, C. C. Ed. (1952) , “Sejarah Melayu or The Malay Annals” , Journal of the Malayan Branch of Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXV, Parts 2 and 3, October 1952, p. 140.
Griswold, A. B. (1962). “The Jalong Bronze,” FMJ, Vol. VII, pp. 64-66.
Bernet Kempers, A. J. (1959). Ancient Indonesian Art (Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Le May, Reginald. 1938. A Concise History of Buddhist Art in Siam (Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press,

ORANG BESAR – ORANG KAYA: THE BIG MAN – RICH MAN IN MALAY SOCIETY

Professor Datuk Zainal Kling
Tun Abdul Ghaffar Baba Chair
Sultan Idris University of Education

“… dan pada suatu masa bahawa fakir duduk pada suatu majlis dengan orang besar-besar bersenda gurau. Pada antara itu ada seorang orang besar, terlebih mulianya dan terlebih besar mertabatnya daripada yang lain.” (Sejarah Melayu, ed. Samad Ahmad, DBP, Kuala Lumpur, 1979: 2)

“I happened to be present at an assembly of the learned and noble, when one of the principal persons of the party observed to me…” (Malay Annals, John Leyden, translator, MBRAS, Kuala Lumpur, reprint 20, 2001: 1)


The Historical Linguistic Connection

Literally translated, the Malay concepts of the traditional elites as ‘orang besar’ and ‘orang kaya’ are respectively ‘big man’ and ‘rich man’. The concept of ‘orang besar’ signifies the titular location within the general hierarchy of senior officials within the traditional governance of the Malay kingdom. The ‘orang kaya’ signifies both the titular designation as well as the term of public address to the bearers of the title. Perhaps, officials of high rank within the governmental system were literally ‘rich man’ (orang kaya) that by virtue of their position they were able to accumulate surpluses of wealth. This is well illustrated by the case of the chief official of the ancient Melaka Sultanate, the bendahara, whose wealth was so much that he gave away gold for his children to play with. Similarly only the rich would be able to attract the favour of the ruler by supplying necessary gifts and presents that they were made officials of the state.

Superficially perhaps, the two concepts certainly strike a very high identity with the Melanesian and Polynesian conception of ‘chiefs’ as presented by Marshalls D. Sahlins (1963) four decades ago. Reviewing an extensive bibliography of ethnographic studies of the Melanesian and Polynesian societies by various scholars and observers, Sahlins sketched what he regarded as the ‘ideal types’ of the political leaderships in the Pacific areas. Nevertheless, at a glance, those who are familiar with the ethnographies and history of the Malay Archipelago would not miss the identical location and class of these elite groups within the stratified Malay societal formation. It was perhaps this superficial glance that attracted my attention towards attempting a comparative study of this widely spread traditional political model and organization within the entire Pacific region. This attempt would only be largely exploratory since much work has to be undertaken to ensure greater validity and utility. My objective is perhaps to draw attention towards the existence of a social and cultural dimension to a very well-known discipline in the Pacific region, the linguistic prehistory of the Austronesian societies.

Since the pioneering efforts of Wilhelm Schmidt and Wilhem von Humboldt in the nineteenth century and later Grace (1959) and Dyen (1962) and several others, much have been achieved in this area of studies. More recent comprehensive efforts by Blust (1977, 1978, 1980) and others have firmly developed more influential and persuasive conclusions of the relatedness in the family tree of the Austronesian languages. As Bellwood observed: “Comparative linguists are now in general agreement about the basic shape of the Austronesian family tree, although names given to particular subgroups have changed over the last decade.” (1985:107)

Based on the pre-historical linguistic findings it may be surmised that there was a strong possibility for an organizational identity among the major Austronesian linguistic groups that was carried over throughout history. This is not to say that there was a typical Austronesian type of social organization with little variation imposed by differences in locality, separation through migrations and the eventual isolation in the various islands of the vast Pacific Ocean. Descriptive ethnographies of the many societies already undertaken by many expert researchers do not support such an assertion nor is it logical to expect such a possibility. Nevertheless, there might just be a possibility that a general pattern of the social organization survived the vast passage of space and time through which the variety of social groups has undergone in their historical experiences. There might be a replication of a ‘collective memory’ brought over the vast space and time upon which the social groups model their organization upon settling in a new insular location. This replication would undergo some local variations as they continued their oceanic ‘conquest of the Pacific’, as Bellwood (1978) said, yet retaining the general societal feature: the big-man, rich man chiefly type.


Sahlins’ Rich Man, Big Man

Sahlins’ comparative study, “Poor Man, Rich Man, Big Man, Chief: Political Types in Melanesia and Polynesia” of the ‘rich man - big man’ phenomenon amongst the Pacific communities certainly attracted a great deal of interests. I have no comprehensive bibliographies of the influence he left among scholars to enable a conclusion on the impact his writing. Of interest is certainly the rationalism he imputed on ‘primitive economics’ as witnessed by his now classic treatment of the ‘original affluent society’ which debunked the assertion of irrationality amongst the primitives. In line with his attempt at creating a comprehensive classification of ‘primitive’ social organization as advocated in his insights into the ‘political types in Melanesia and Polynesia’ it would be interesting to examine the ‘caricature’ of chieftainship, as he put it, compared to another society in Western Austronesia. In this case I am taking the liberty of listing some of the features or characteristics of territorial chiefs amongst the Malays of Malaysia.

Sahlins distinguished the traditional Melanesian communities from the more advanced Polynesian political organization in that the Melanesian are more tribal and largely, “consists of many autonomous kinship-residential groups… The tribal plan is one of politically non-integrated segments – segmental… Local groups of the order of self-governing Melanesian communities appear in Polynesia as subdivisions of a more inclusive political body. Smaller units are integrated into larger through a system of inter-group ranking, and the network of representative chiefs of the subdivision amounts to a coordinating political structure.”

He had a more positive view of the Polynesian structure and its ability to adapt to the onslaught of the Western pressures in the late eighteen century. “The Hawaiians, Tahitians and Fijians,” he said, “were able to top successfully defended themselves by evolving countervailing, native-controlled states… these nineteen century states are testimony to the native Polynesian political genius, to the level and the potential of indigenous political accomplishments.”

“Embedded within the grand differences in the political scale, structure and performance is a more personal contrast, one in quality of leadership. A historically particular type of leader-figure, the ‘big-man’ as he is often locally styled, appears in the underdeveloped settings of Melanesia. Another type, a chief properly so-called, is associated with the Polynesian advance.”

From this extensive quotation, I have distinguished my area of concern with the Polynesian type, as they represent a more advance model, in line with the more stratified and state-based Malay traditional polity. For the purpose of further comparison, a closer examination of the ‘rich-man, big-man’ features would be necessary in order to elucidate the comparative data from the Malay case.

To begin with, Sahlins quoted several ethnographic statements to illustrate the standing of the Polynesian ‘big-man’ chief. He is regarded as almost regal, ‘very likely he just is a big man’. He displays a ‘refinement of breeding, in his manner always that noblesse oblige of true pedigree and incontestable right of rule… he is, every inch, a chief.”

The position of the Polynesian chief is characterized as a ‘nexus’, dependent on ‘an extensive set of offices, a pyramid of higher and lower chiefs holding sway over larger and smaller sections of the polity.’

“The pivotal paramount chief, as well as the chieftains controlling parts of chiefdom, were true office holders and title holders … they hold positions of authority over permanent groups. The honorific of Polynesian chiefs … (refer) to their leadership of political divisions – here “The Prince of Danes” not “the prince among men”. The Polynesian chiefs … “were installed in societal positions.”

“In Polynesia, people of high rank and office ipso facto were leaders, and by the same token the qualities of leadership were automatically lacking...” A Polynesian high chief “inherited by divine descent as the mana which sanctified his rule and protected his person against the hands of the commonality.”

In Polynesian view, a chiefly personage was in the nature of things powerful…. his power was of the group rather than of himself. His authority came from organization, from an organized acquiescence in his privileges and organized means of sustaining them.”

“Masters of their people and “owners” in a titular sense of group resources, Polynesian chiefs had right of call upon the labor and agriculture produce of households within their domains.”

“Most significantly, he has generated a politically utilizable agricultural surplus… Redistribution of the fund of power was the supreme art of Polynesian politics... use of the chiefly funds included lavish hospitality and entertainment for outside chiefs and for chief’s own people…”

“In most advanced Polynesian chiefdoms, as in Hawaii and Tahiti, a significant part of the chiefly fund was deflected away from general redistribution towards the upkeep of the institution of chieftainship. The fund was siphoned for the support of a permanent administrative establishment.” Much of them were appropriated for the upkeep of retainers, close kinsmen and specialized warrior corps... whose force could be directed internally as a buttress against fragmenting or rebellious elements of the chiefdom. Rebelliousness seemed to appear in the form of ‘status rivalry’ in the contest for position or perceived despotism. Rebellion and dissatisfaction over lavish chiefly spending and ungenerous display laid the seeds for fragmentation of extensive chiefdom into smaller areas of authority.

“Polynesian chiefs were the more effective means of societal collaboration on economic, political, indeed all cultural fronts.”

The lengthy quotes are necessary to capture the essence of the Polynesian chief characteristics as described by Sahlins. Within this context only can we compare with some of the features of the Malay ‘big man-rich man’ phenomenon as portrayed by the classical text and kept alive within contemporary political system. The comparison may not have to be feature-for feature. I would like to highlight some distinct cultural elements especially the coherent connection of political power, its mobilization in economic sphere by way of mystical and perhaps magical means. This thesis is specifically formulated to clarify a certain assertion among scholars, especially the orientalists, that the political power exercised by the Malay chiefs and kings over their subjects was the terminal acculturation of Hinduistic mystical elements of the past. The fact that Sahlins demonstrated the art of power sustenance of the Hawaiian chiefs in the mobilization of the mana mystical power in economic and political dealings seems to indicate the indigenous origin of the practice. As I assumed earlier, the passage of time and space might have just retained certain elements of the original cultural constitution of the Austronesian in-spite of separation in time and space. The Melanesian tribal dynamics of leadership may be regarded as the ‘survival’ of the primordial condition which has undergone tremendous change within the Polynesian and Malaysian situations. This thesis is of course a long short in anthropology in an attempt at understanding the political dynamics of human societies.

The Big Man, Rich Man as Malay Traditional Elite

The Malay hierarchical socio-political structure locates the king (raja) or sultan at the epical point. He is supported by a series of subordinate class structure composed of a class of royalty (anak-anak raja) and a hierarchy of ranked ‘orang besar’ (big man), the freemen (orang merdaheka) and the ‘slaves’ (hamba, ulun, sahaya) who were normally the assistants and helpers of the orang besar rather than slaves (legal property with absolute obedience) at such. The orang besar then would be composed of the non-royal officials and chiefs with aristocratic antecedents – the son or descendent of former nobles and big-mans.

There would be two classes of orang besar – the ‘inner’ or central group who are closely related and located near the king’s palace, in surrounding villages and heading a closely knitted servants, helpers and assistant who were regarded as ‘the people’ of the orang besar. The people will form the retinue of the orang besar wherever he goes or whenever they are called for in any official and social activities and even in war undertakings. The other class would be the territorial chief – the ‘orang besar jajahan’ who were appointed or dispatched to govern a territory away from the central government. For instance, a ‘governor’ from among the senior orang besar was appointed by the King of Malacca to govern the State of Pahang when it was overran by the Malaccan fighters in the middle of the 15th century prior to the appointment of real and permanent ‘king’ for the state. Or, in the case of the territory of Kelang, which was governed by an orang besar of the penghulu rank (chief of lower rank) in the person of Tun Perak was recalled to the centre in Melaka to be the chief orang besar (Bendahara) after he proved his strategic competence in facing the Siamese attack on Melaka.

It has been described that the class of officials in Melaka was ranked variously in what is known as the ‘mandala’ pattern of concentric circles, with the king as the centre. The series of outer circles emanating from the centre would be composed of the series of non-royal orang besar, variously ranked from the most senior being the ‘big man of four (orang besar empat), the big man of eight (orang besar delapan), big man of sixteen (orang besar enam belas) to the most junior, the big man of thirty-two (orang besar tiga puluh dua). This of course was the ideal prescription, since there was very seldom any clear cut division made out for each and every one of ranked class nor were there all the members of each class fully appointed at all times. Nonetheless, the orang besar as a series of ranked official class existed to support the administration of the kingdom, and were separated in various capacities of administrative functions. The set up remained a significant institution of traditional politics in modern Malaysian sultanate of Perak, Pahang, Terengganu and Selangor. Various levels of orang besar are instituted within the state constitution as legal means for the assurance of succession in the state. The more elaborate system has been instituted in Perak which claimed to have the rightful inheritance of Malacca and pre-Malacca tradition of the Srivijayan empire (6-13 AD).

The most senior was the bendahara – the chief of the orang besar and the chief minister, often related to the king through marriages of female kin members, especially sisters and daughters. It was the custom for the chief minister to let the king know of the availability of his daughter in marriage, failing which relationship between them may soured to the extent of creating schism and jealousy. Next to him would be the temenggong, the minister of internal affairs and security. Then there would be the penghulu bendahari in charge of the palace and state treasury. The last would be the laksamana, shabandar or perdana menteri, depending very much on the set up of the state bureaucracy. The laksamana would be the defence minister especially in the case of the being a maritime power, in control of a large expense of island territories. The shabandar would be the harbour master in charge of all the foreign traders and assisted by a number of junior shahbandar allotted with traders from various group of countries. The perdana menteri would in such circumstance be a senior minister allocated with various function within the state.

Subordinated to the four would be the ‘big man of eight’ being either the junior to the senior minister or wazir or in were charge of a unit of the administration. The most senior among the second echelon official would be the ‘bentara’ who was the king’s intermediary in external relation. He received all the communication from foreign states and transmits the same to other sovereign states. If the laksamana was not part of the senior most official he would be the most senior second echelon official in charge of the personal security of the king, bearing with him the state regalia especially the long kris (kris panjang) which represents the king’s worldly power and authority. Various other officials would be entrusted with other functions of inter-state relations, territorial law enforcement and internal duties by the order of the king.

A special function was allocated for territorial chiefs who received their appointment from the king by way of the presentation of a set of territorial incomplete regalia, especially the ‘gendang nobat’ – royal musical regalia - usually without the piece called ‘nagara’ – a drum piece. Accompanying the set would be the ‘payung iram-iram’ – the state umbrella. The major duty would be of course to transmit ‘ufti’ or territorial tax to the king in the manner of a feudal lord. He would be the sole big man of the territory and would have almost the power of the king except for the case of murder and the sentence of beheading the guilty person. As an official of the state he is completely responsible for the running of the territory, collecting taxes and administering the state law. As a result, under certain circumstances, very often a territorial chief could manipulate the economic output of his area of jurisdiction to cumulate surplus and utilize it to gather powerful followers and thus challenge the king at the centre. This was where the central power of the king would need the support of various officials at the central court – the orang besar - as well as ‘warriors’ (hulubalang) to put down rebellions in outlying territories. The bendahara would play the major role in mobilizing the state military apparatus by selecting and appointing the appropriate official for the task of subduing the rebellious territory.

As said earlier, the basis of appointment for senior and junior officials/chiefs – orang besar – basically was based on the legitimacy of inheritance through blood or marriage line. Blood line seemed to have priority as the basis of selection and appointment to a post over marriage. A bendahara post was always inherited by one of his sons, failing which a close descendent through marriage line may be considered. The same could be said of the other senior ministerial posts – temenggong, bendahari, laksamana or shahbandar. The junior officials would also be inherited by way of appointing close descendents but post may be transferred to other family lines depending very much on the favour of the king.

Each orang besar empat – the senior officials – would reside in a ‘village’ (kampung) with all his people and they will be identified as the ‘people of the official’, such anak buah bendahara (relatives of bendahara), anak buah temenggong (relatives of temenggong), anak buak laksamana (relatives of laksamana) even if the people are not related in any way either by blood or marriage to the senior official. By virtue being allowed to live within the village of official, a person, especially the freemen, will have an obligation to serve the official in ways that were determined by the official. Very often their labour would be mobilized for certain work within the household of the king when the official was assigned by the king, or within the household of the official, in landed occupations or in other more significant tasks such as in war and military expeditions. In return, the people would be protected from unlawful intrusion in their life and free of tax levy from the state. They will always be defended or even avenged in case of attack. More significantly was the obligation of the people to supply ‘man’ or ‘children’ for the purpose of serving the king in certain activities or ceremonial needs. Man and children were presumably taken over by the official to provide the king with ‘presentation’ to other sovereign kings and chieftains especially to accompany marriage of princes and princess to other lands. Presumably too, human presentation was something of an honour to the family and persons involved. In their perception, such an act would be regarded as ‘memperhamba diri’ – honorable services. There was therefore an attitude of ‘service’ among the people for the orang besar and the king and thus for the country.

The senior orang besar of course play a very crucial role in the politics of the kingship. A bendahara or temenggong would the closest an officialdom would have with then throne. Very often they were the king-maker, being entrusted by a dying king to ensure a rightful succession to the throne. In cases where the senior official have personal relations with the would-be-king or his brother there might just a possibility that the official’s favourite would be enthroned, bypassing the rightful prince. Palace intrigue of this nature occurred to create little rebellion within the royal family. On the other hand, even among senior officials too, jealousy and envy may create intrigues that senior official may be accused of rebellion and usurpation of powers. As such kingship would always be endowed with other than physical powers within the cultural system to ensure public and general obeisance to the kingship. A mystical factor introduced within the attitude of service was the idea of ‘daulat’ – the mystical power of the king or ruler to enhance his political authority. An unlawful disobedience and rebellion was regarded as ‘lawan daulat’ and ‘derhaka’ – rebellion – which would have to be quashed and the entire family would be sentenced to death, with their dwelling uprooted and thrown to the sea. This very harsh attitude means that such an act not only went against temporal power of the king but also his mystical bearing. The rebel was both a transgressor of this world and also of the other world which has endowed the king with such position as the ‘shadow of God on earth’. It is the duty of the senior officials to ensure that no such rebellion would occur even if the was ‘despotism’ and ‘cruelty’ in the rule of the king. Nonetheless, senior official did conspire with each other wherever there were elements of tyranny and oppression by the kingship. This case was well illustrated by the history of the Malaccan Sultanate (15 century) and modern history of the State of Johor (17 century).

The idea of the ‘daulat’ and ‘derhaka’ would have to be understood as the cultural device for state control over senior officials as well the large populace. Since state and political powers have to be constituted and supported with financial surpluses through taxation, the emergence of personal and eventually popular dissatisfaction could arise among royal brothers, officials and the populace at large. Officials who managed to gather great favour from the king could be viewed with envy and jealousy by others. Others may also took avenge of unjust favouritism among officials thus creating conspiracies and intrigues. With personal followers and attendants in villages ready to follow the command of a leader, rebellion could be easily started. The king therefore would have to rely on the loyalty of officials and people by instituting various means and leverages of control, be it through the physical present of hulubalang (warrior class) or spiritual and mystical practice of ‘daulat’. The cultural construction of such mystical powers was well developed in Malay kingdom since the time of its root in the Srivijayan Empire. The presence of ‘sumpah’ (curse) prescription on the prasasti (stone stele) dated at end of 7th century AD attested to the mystical leverages put in place by the kings. Presumably, the Sejarah Melayu text reminded Malays of their ‘waad’ (oath of loyalty) to the king, that very seldom was rebellion went against the state as a whole, but rather towards the person of the king. A king may be displaced by his royal brothers or the orang besar through an act of vengeance or rebellion but the mystical belief of the effect of ‘daulat’ remained a potent belief, deeply ingrained in the psyche of the people to refrain them. Such was the cases with the history of Johor, Langkawi and Melaka.

The orang besar therefore would remain as the bed-rock of the Malay hierarchy of kingship support and has remained so for the last several centuries till today. While kingship survived in the Malay society and perhaps the only social system which has allowed it to proliferate when the surroundings have changed so much, other factors may have to be surveyed to determine its perpetuity under current situation.

Comparative Observation and Conclusion

As a short comparison, it may be said that several features of the presence of rich man, big man in both Polynesia and Malaysia can be cited. First, both communities have developed the institution of leadership far more advance than the Melanesian tribal and kinship based organization. The chiefs and kings in Polynesia and Malaysia are offices of the highest order in the socio-political organization of the nations. As such they are not anymore instituted through the dynamics of tribal power struggle but by way of fulfilling the necessary conditions of office.

As posited by Sahlins, the personal requirements for fulfilling an office would not demand from a person leadership characteristics but merely inheriting the right kinship line and perhaps birth rank. This means that the person of the king would only need to be present at the point of the installation, failing which he be disqualified by virtue of absenteeism.

Of more significant is the fact of the perpetuity of the whole kingship or chieftainship system. While physical leverages such the presence of large administrative establishment and a hierarchy of orang besar (big man) sustained the structure nevertheless modern historical development seemed to favour a reduction of its presence. Thus, the emergence of the so-called ‘constitutional monarchy’ as the more preferred form of modern kingship system. Even if such a system is more acceptable now, there remained the deeply ingrained psychic element in the form of the ‘mana’ and ‘daulat’ mystical power which seems to remain constant and pervades the institution. As an ancient and perhaps ‘primitive’ element in the institution of leadership and governance in the Austronesian society this indicate a interesting survival. Perhaps, the two conception of power pervading the leadership institution attests to the ancient link among the Austronesian societies in their migrations eastwards from the western section within the Malaysian Archipelago.

Further comparative studies may be able to yield more ethnographic information to enable a solid conclusion in Austronesian anthropology. Much of the work so far remained concentrated among scholars of the Pacific studies with little reference to the Malaysian end of the spectrum. Perhaps the time is now right to extent the area to be a little bit more inclusive and Austronesian wide.


References

A. Samad Ahmad, ed., Sejarah Melayu, Kuala Lumpur: DBP, 1979.

Asmah Hj Omar, Susur Galur Bahasa Melayu, Kuala Lumpur: DBP, 1993.

Leyden, John, trans., Malay Annals, repr. 20, Kuala Lumpur: MBRAS.

Bellwood, Peter, Prehistory of Indo-Malaysian Archipelago, N. S. W.: Academic Press Australia, 1985.

Sahlins, M. D., “Poor Man, Rich Man, Big-Man, Chief: Political Types in Melanesia and Polynesia”, Journal of Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 5, No. 3. (Apr., 1963) pp. 285-303, Cambridge University Press.